1880 - 1940. Ze'ev Jabotinsky was a Zionist leader, writer, orator, soldier, and journalist. He strongly advocated for the creation of a Jewish State in the Land of Israel. Zeev Jabotinsky in 1925. Source: Wikipedia, public domain. The impact he had on the State of Israel was profound, and his legacy is still considered within the current political framework. He grew up in a traditional Jewish family. He considered himself a Zionist atheist and said that the question of Jews in the Land of Israel must be resolved before they end in a massacre in the Diaspora. He studied law and spoke Russian, Yiddish, Hebrew, and Italian. He served as a correspondent for several Russian newspapers and wrote under the name Altalena. In 1903, before witnessing the Russian pogroms, Ze'ev enlisted in the Zionist cause and became an influential leader. Around this time, Vladimir Yevgenyevich Zhabotinsky changed his name to Ze'ev ("Wolf") and joined self-defense units in Jewish communities across the Russian Empire. Together with Meir Dizengoff, he worked to obtain large sums of money to purchase weapons for the unit. That same year, he was elected a Russian delegate to the Sixth Zionist Congress in Basel, Switzerland. It was the last congress in which Herzl participated. During this brief meeting, Jabotinsky was deeply impressed by Herzl, and he adhered to his teachings from that day on. Jabotinsky saw his path and the political movement he later headed for as a continuation of Herzl's path. Still in 1903, after moving from Odessa to Saint Petersburg, he became the leader of the right-wing Zionists. As a right-wing writer and journalist, Ze'ev Jabotinsky fiercely condemned supporters of assimilation and advocated for the establishment of Hebrew schools. His articles placed him as one of the first political Jewish writers in Russia and also had significant success as a poet. In 1914, at the outbreak of World War 1, Jabotinsky served as a military correspondent for a Russian newspaper and traveled on several fronts in Western Europe and North Africa. In Egypt, he met with Joseph Trumpeldor and became active in the formation of the Jewish Legion within the British Army. Trumpeldor commanded the battalion. The first Jewish legion was created in 1917, after intense diplomatic negotiations with the British government and army officials in London. In 1918, he enlisted in the British Army's first Jewish legion and participated in the battalion's first attacks in the Jordan Valley. The year after, the remnants of the three battalions that were formed were united into one battalion called "First Judaeans". The menorah was established as the battalion's symbol. These armed forces existed while other self-defense organizations were active in the Land of Israel, such as the Haganah. He was arrested by the British during the Arab riots of 1920, after organizing Jerusalem's defense. He was sentenced to 15 years in prison but was released due to public reaction. You can see in this YouTube video Zeev Jabotinsky in the Acre Prison, and after his release, walking with his mother in Jerusalem towards the Hurva Synagogue. In August 1921, Jabotinsky was elected to the 12th Zionist Congress Executive Committee. He was attached to the political department alongside Weizmann and Nahum Sokolov and continued his efforts to establish a Jewish military force in the Land of Israel. He led the opposition to the establishment of an Arab-Jewish military force proposed by the British. On June 3, 1922, the British submitted Churchill's White Paper draft to the Zionist leadership. Weizmann voted in favor of accepting the paper, and Jabotinsky opposed it. In the end, Jabotinsky also signed the White Paper and it was accepted by Zionist leadership. On July 1, 1922, the White Paper was published, restricting the Yishuv's development. In November 1922 he traveled to London and presented his claims to the Zionist leadership. At the end of that year, he resigned from the Zionist Congress. In 1923, Jabotinsky also published the article "On the Iron Wall (We and the Arabs)", in Berlin in a Russian-language Zionist newspaper. In "On the Iron Wall" Jabotinsky debates the leadership of the Zionist movement and with the moderate factions in the Zionist movement who call for the establishment of a bi-national state. In the article, he presents his concept of Zionist policy. His policy includes two pillars: conflict is the basis of relations between national groups, and the protection of minority rights. Palestinian Arabs in the Jewish state will receive full political and cultural rights despite being a minority. However, they would not accept their status as a minority, without resistance, and therefore Jabotinsky threatened to subdue them through military force - the Iron Wall. This force would be Jewish regiments under British command as part of the British colonial force in the Middle East, which would form a fortified front in terms of military power and uncompromising adherence to Zionist positions. Once they realize that they cannot rule, they will assume their status as a minority with rights. This article was part of Jabotinsky's view that there is no revival of the Zionist idea except as part of British imperialism. It is considered one of the pillars of the nascent Jabotinsky camp. In 1923, he founded the Betar Movement in Riga (Latvia), aimed at educating Jewish youth in a national and militant spirit. Members were required to serve in Betar legions for two years after making Aliyah. "Betar" is the abbreviation for Brit Yosef Trumpeldor (Brit named after Joseph Trumpeldor). In 1925, Jabotinsky formed the Revisionist Zionist Alliance, which promoted the establishment of a Jewish state within Eretz Israel's historical boundaries (Mandatory Palestine and Transjordan) and political activism. Revisionist Zionism has strongly influenced modern right-wing Israeli parties, principally Herut and its successor Likud. This ideology advocated a "revision" of the "practical Zionism" of David Ben-Gurion and Chaim Weizmann. Jabotinsky was the head of the Alliance, defined within the framework of the Zionist Organization. However, he had differences of opinion with leaders of socialist Zionist parties on foreign policy, social-economic issues, and the expansion of the Jewish Agency. This led to him becoming a leading spokesman of the opposition within the Zionist Congress. From that moment, his relationship with socialist movements deteriorated. In July 1929, he participated in the 16th Zionist Congress. In his speech at the Congress, he called for the establishment of a Jewish state on both sides of the Jordan River. He demanded that the British government cancel the White Paper of 1922, ignore Arab opposition to Zionism's ambitions, and actively assist in the implementation of the Balfour Declaration. After the 1929 riots in which the British stood by the Arab offenders, he called for the British to recognize Jews' rights to live in their historical land. Overall, in the late 1920s and early 1930s, Jabotinsky was a strong political figure in the Yishuv and was involved in many activities. In 1932, he retired from the Zionist Organization after the Congress (especially the Mizrahi and the workers movements, and the Hagannah) rejected his definition of Zionism (which was the creation of a Jewish majority state in Eretz Israel). He formed the New Zionist Organization in 1935 and became its president. In London, he opened the main office. He warned of the impending danger to Jews during the lead-up to World War II and worked to promote illegal immigration to save Jews from the Nazis. He said "If you won't eliminate the Diaspora – the Diaspora will eliminate you.''* He also presented a petition demanding that the mandate government provide shelter in the Land of Israel to every Jew who seeks it. Despite this petition being signed by over 600,000 Jews from 24 countries, it did not bring the desired change. As the Nazi regime in Germany grew stronger, Jabotinsky lost hope in Britain, which had released the "White Paper of 1939". He was left with no choice but to challenge the British mandate and place his faith in the power of young Jewish people to bring about liberation. Ze'ev Jabotinsky was a key figure in the establishment of Etzel (Ergun Tsvai Leumi, also called Irgun), a military organization in the Land of Israel. It originated from the Haganah Branch in Jerusalem and is ideologically closed to the Revisionist Party. In 1936, the Etzel became the militant branch of the Revisionist Zionist Alliance. Jabotinsky supported its actions against the policy of restraint towards Arab rioters and the British Mandate government. In 1937, he was named Supreme Commander of the Etzel and planned an armed rebellion. However, it was never implemented due to the outbreak of World War II. During the war, Jabotinsky lobbied in the United States and Great Britain for a Jewish defense force to fight alongside the Allies against Nazi Germany. He passed away in the United States in 1940 while visiting a Betar summer camp in New York. He ordered in his will for his remains to be buried in Israel by a Jewish government. This was fulfilled in 1964 when Levi Eshkol ordered his burial on Mount Herzl in Jerusalem. Sources: https://knesset.gov.il/vip/jabotinsky/eng/bio_eng.html *http://en.jabotinsky.org/zeev-jabotinsky/life-story/rescuing-jews/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ze%27ev_Jabotinsky https://encyclopedia.1914-1918-online.net/article/jabotinsky_vladimir https://he.wikipedia.org/wiki/על_קיר_הברזל

Origins and foundations Revisionist Zionism emerged in the early 1920s from a profound rupture with the dominant currents of the Zionist movement. While the labor tendency favored dialogue, gradual compromise, and social institution-building, the revisionists championed a sharper line - one grounded in clarity of purpose and uncompromising political will. Ze’ev Jabotinsky with Betar leaders in Warsaw, including Menachem Begin (bottom left), c. 1939. Public domain The central figure of this current, Vladimir Ze'ev Jabotinsky, rejected all idealism. In his 1923 essay The Iron Wall, he laid out what he considered a lucid premise: no population spontaneously accepts sharing its land with other people settling within it. Expecting a swift understanding with the Arabs of Palestine was, in his view, a dangerous illusion. Only the establishment of a solid fait accompli - a Jewish state, built and defended - could, in time, open the door to realistic coexistence. A doctrine of force and sovereignty For the revisionists, sovereignty was not something to be negotiated or petitioned for: it was built through political will and preserved through military capability. Security was understood as the precondition for any lasting peace - not the other way around. This vision was rooted in a somber reading of Jewish history: a people without power of its own remains perpetually vulnerable. Emancipation, therefore, could not be partial; it had to be total, sovereign, and defensible. Territorially, the movement laid claim to a Jewish state encompassing the entirety of the British Mandate, including the eastern bank of the Jordan River. Economically, it stood opposed to the socialist model then prevailing in the Yishuv, favoring instead a liberal economy that valued individual responsibility and private initiative over collectivism. From the margins to the heights of power Long excluded by the labor elite that dominated Zionist institutions, the revisionist current nonetheless found organized expression through the Irgun, and later, following the establishment of the State of Israel, within the Herut party. The decisive turning point came in 1977, when Menachem Begin rose to power, marking the first time the nationalist right had taken the reins of the Israeli government. This shift went well beyond a single electoral result; it reflected a deep transformation within Israeli society, which had grown increasingly attuned to questions of identity, security, and collective memory. The military wing and its legacy Revisionism was never a purely theoretical current. It gave rise to a culture of armed action that left a lasting imprint on the history of the Jewish national movement. In response to what was perceived as the passivity of the labor-aligned Haganah, dissident organizations emerged - the Irgun Zvai Leumi and then the Lehi - convinced that only sustained military pressure could compel Britain to withdraw from Palestine. Their operations, some of which remain deeply controversial, have fueled decades of debate over the boundary between armed resistance and terrorism. The legacy of this tradition in contemporary Israel is considerable. It has helped shape a strategic doctrine built on deterrence, military initiative, and a refusal to depend on external guarantees. Several of its central figures rose to the highest offices of the state - Begin himself had commanded the Irgun - thereby retrospectively legitimizing this trajectory. Today's major debates over rules of engagement or responses to existential threats still carry, as an undercurrent, that founding conviction: a people can rely only on its own strength to ensure its survival. An open question Revisionist Zionism is not simply an episode in Jewish political history. It raises a fundamental question - one made more pressing than ever by the events of October 7, 2023: is it possible to guarantee a people's continuity without credible force? For this school of thought, peace is never a starting point, but a possible conclusion, provided that sovereignty is real and defensible. The movement's key figures Revisionism was not merely a political doctrine; it also constituted a cultural and intellectual project. Ze'ev Jabotinsky. Public Domain. Ze'ev Jabotinsky embodied this dimension in full. A Zionist revisionist thinker and leader, journalist, and writer, he advocated for a Jewish state grounded in political strength and security, while simultaneously upholding liberal principles such as civil equality and minority protection. His concept of the "iron wall" was ultimately aimed at making an accommodation with the Arabs possible, but only after the establishment of a balance of power he considered indispensable. Abba Ahimeir represented the movement's most militant wing. He emphasized the necessity of an elite capable of shouldering historical responsibility, arguing that the Jewish people must become the agents of their own destiny. His vision rested on an assertive Jewish nationalism, calling for the swift creation of a sovereign state over the whole of the Land of Israel - through political force and, if necessary, direct confrontation with the British. Opposed to the socialism of labor Zionism, he embodied the most radical strand of revisionism, often in tension with Jabotinsky himself. He exerted strong ideological influence over Betar and was suspected of involvement in the assassination of Haim Arlosoroff, of which he was ultimately acquitted. Uri Zvi Greenberg, a poet of extraordinary intensity, brought an existential and memorial dimension to the movement. His work expressed the vital necessity of return to the land, drawing on his consciousness of the tragedies suffered by European Jews and his conviction that only a sovereign national rootedness could answer them. Following the 1929 Hebron massacre, he joined the revisionist camp, eventually representing the movement in several bodies. Together with Ahimeir and Yehoshua Yeivin, he co-founded Brit HaBirionim, an activist group opposed to British rule, before it was dissolved in the wake of mass arrests. After 1948, he joined Menachem Begin's Herut movement and briefly served in the Knesset. Following the Six-Day War, he became a vocal supporter of the Greater Israel Movement, advocating sovereignty over Judea and Samaria. Menachem Begin engaged with Zionism from his earliest years, passing briefly through Hashomer Hatzair before joining Betar, the flagship youth organization of revisionist Zionism founded by Ze'ev Jabotinsky. He rapidly rose through its ranks, becoming its leader in Poland in 1939. In 1943, he assumed command of the Irgun, the revisionist movement's armed wing in its struggle against British rule. For more than four years, he led the underground campaign, seeking to erode British authority while upholding the revisionist line, one anchored in sovereignty and the unapologetic exercise of force. Revisionism thus presents itself as a coherent system of thought, weaving together a firm assertion of collective identity, a sense of historical responsibility, and a determined drive to normalize the Jewish condition through the exercise of full and unqualified sovereignty.

How socialist zionism shaped the birth of Israel Socialist Zionism - also known as Labor Zionism - emerged in the late 19th century as one of the driving forces of the Jewish national movement. It developed in Eastern Europe between the 1880s and 1900s, fueled by three major tensions: the rise of antisemitism across the continent, the limits of Jewish emancipation in modern states, and the economic precariousness of Jewish communities in Eastern Europe. The Origins of Labor Zionism: Rebuilding Jewish Identity through Labor For its thinkers, the Jewish question extended beyond the strictly political or religious sphere. It was also social, economic, and moral. The return to Eretz Israel could not be reduced to a simple geographic relocation - it required a profound redefinition of Jewish identity. This redefinition was rooted in labor - particularly in the relationship to the land. To cultivate, to build, to produce with one’s own hands: these were acts that marked a break from centuries of exile, economic marginalization, and dependency. Labor was not merely a practical necessity; it was the foundation of national renewal. Socialist Zionism distinguished itself both from messianic waiting and from the pull of assimilation. It charted a third path: the deliberate and collective construction of a renewed Jewish society, grounded in the values of social justice and equality. While it borrowed analytical tools from European socialism, it diverged on a fundamental point: the emancipation of Jewish workers could only be achieved within a Jewish national state. Between 1890 and 1910, intellectuals such as Nachman Syrkin, Moses Hess, Ber Borochov, and Aharon David Gordon laid the theoretical foundations of this movement. Each, through different approaches - class analysis, the philosophy of labor, or a mystical attachment to the land - arrived at the same conviction: Jewish renewal was a human, deliberate endeavor, grounded in collective effort and individual responsibility. Some Key Figures of Israeli Socialism: Ben-Gurion, Katznelson, and Golda Meir Socialist Zionism found, in a generation of leaders, men and women capable of translating its ideals into concrete political action. David Ben-Gurion is undoubtedly the most emblematic figure of this generation. Settling in the Land of Israel as early as 1906, he approached the question of Jewish sovereignty with a pragmatic and demanding vision: a state is not declared - it is built patiently, through social organization, economic production, and civic commitment. Labor thought deeply shaped his conception of power. Berl Katzenelson, 1934. Public domain image. Berl Katznelson occupied a different but equally central place. He advocated a pragmatic vision of Zionism, built by workers yet guided by a national objective: a Jewish homeland forged through labor, immigration, land acquisition, and settlement - not through theory alone. He believed in social justice without class struggle, favoring unity over division, and combining modern nation-building with Jewish tradition. While recognizing Arab rights, he rejected any veto over Jewish renewal, advocating parallel development. Above all, Katznelson insisted that the Zionist project remain moral, collective, and rooted in action. Golda Meir, for her part, embodied the natural link between grassroots activism and public responsibility. Arriving in Palestine in 1921 from the labor movement, she represented a certain ideal of public service. She championed a cohesive society structured by labor and collective institutions, always guided by a higher goal: to build and protect the State of Israel in a concrete and effective way. Mapai, Histadrut, Kibbutz: Institutions Born of Socialist Zionism What set Socialist Zionism apart was its ability to materialize into durable institutions well before the proclamation of the state. As early as 1919, Ahdut HaAvoda (“Labor Unity”) became one of the first structured workers’ parties in the Land of Israel. Driven by pioneers who refused to separate the national project from social transformation, it counted Ben-Gurion among its leading figures. In 1930, its merger with Hapoel Hatzair gave birth to Mapai, which unified most of the Zionist left for several decades. In 1920, the Histadrut was founded. A trade union in appearance, it was in reality a comprehensive institution: employer, cooperative network, healthcare provider, and economic engine. In a society that did not yet have a state, it already fulfilled many of its functions. The Histadrut during a May Day celebration, 1983. Public domain image. A more radical current found expression in Hashomer Hatzair (“The Young Guard”). Founded in Central Europe in 1913 as a youth movement, it took root in Palestine in the 1920s, establishing some of the most ideologically committed kibbutzim. Both Marxist and Zionist, it upheld - until 1948 - a minority position: that of a binational Arab-Jewish state. After independence, it helped form Mapam, which became the left wing of Israeli politics in contrast to an increasingly dominant Mapai. The kibbutz, whose first concrete realization dates back to the founding of Degania in 1910, translated ideology into a way of life. Collective ownership, equality among members, and the rejection of wage labor: the kibbutz made the Zionist-socialist utopia livable. In the 1950s and 1960s, these communities would produce a significant share of Israel’s military, political, and intellectual elites. For its part, Mapai governed the state continuously from 1948 to 1977. In 1968, it absorbed several movements - including a reconstituted Ahdut HaAvoda - to form the Israeli Labor Party. Under its banner, Yitzhak Rabin signed the Oslo Accords in 1993. Though weakened since, the Labor Party remains the heir to this long tradition. The Legacy of the Labor Party in Modern Israeli Politics For thirty years, Socialist Zionism held the reins of the state and left a lasting imprint on its institutions. The Histadrut, the kibbutzim, and the Labor Party still exist - transformed, yet present. Its most enduring legacy may be cultural: the idea that a society can be built through collective will, that labor is both a civic and economic act, and that solidarity is not optional but foundational. These values continue to shape debates over Israel’s identity and future. Other currents have since taken center stage - Ze'ev Jabotinsky’s Revisionism (the precursor to Likud), Religious Zionism after 1967, and Liberal Zionism. It is through the tension and interaction between these legacies that Israeli political debate continues to evolve today.

Yair Garbuz (1945–2026) was an Israeli artist, author, and humorist - and one of the country's most influential and provocative cultural voices. Yair Garbuz in 2004. Free of rights. Since his debut in 1967, Garbuz's work has been exhibited in dozens of exhibitions (individual and grouped ones) in Israel and abroad. His work is available on the following link. Garbuz taught at "HaMidrasha" art faculty from 1973 to 2009. In the 1970s Garbuz worked in many different media, evoking politics and self-parody. More than an artist, he was a sharp public intellectual whose work exposed the deepest tensions and contradictions of Israeli society — the friction between secular and religious identities, the center and the periphery, and the heavy weight of memory versus modern politics. He wrote the book "Always Polish" ("Tamid Polani"), an adapted collection of his (humorous) notes in newspapers, based on his personal life, including anecdotes about his Polish family, the kibbutz, and everyday life. Following the success of the book, Garbuz embarked on a six-month sabbatical experience in Paris, which greatly influenced his career. In September 2009, he lent the Israel Knesset two pictures of his work. The photos were displayed in Knesset Speaker Reuven Rivlin's office, highlighting his important place in the Israeli cultural landscape. Yair Garbuz won the Rappaport Award* in 2015. His presentation video is available below. That same year, his legacy became inextricably linked to his controversial address at Rabin Square (Youtube video). By questioning how a minority of "amulet-kissers and idol-worshippers" had come to "control the majority," Garbuz ignited a firestorm - one that crystallized the divide between the secular Ashkenazi left and the traditional, largely Mizrahi right, and that many believe reshaped the 2015 election to the 20th Knesset. The speech became shorthand for the cultural disconnect within the country. This speech is known as the "Kissers of Amulets". "Israeli art doesn't waste time on nonsense." In this video, you can see explanations about his exhibit in the Tel Aviv Museum of Arts, and the controversy over his candidacy to win the Israeli Prize provoked due to his active support to the Meretz Political Party. Whether seen as a brave satirist or a condescending elitist, Garbuz forced Israeli society to confront uncomfortable truths. His work remains a vital lens for anyone trying to read the deeper cultural and political layers of modern Israel - and to go beyond the clichés. *The Rappaport Award is an award in the name of Ruth and Baruch Rappaport, awarded by "The Bruce and Ruth Rappaport Foundation", giving recognition to Science, arts and female action in Israeli society:

1840 - 1920. Aharon Chelouche was an Algerian Sephardic Jew known for his roles as a landowner, jeweler, and money changer in Jaffa's Jewish community. He founded Neve Tzedek, now part of Tel Aviv. Portrait of Aharon Chelouche, late 19th century. Source: Wikipedia. Aharon was born in Oran, French Algeria, and his family relocated several times, residing in Haifa , Nablus, and Jerusalem , before eventually settling in Jaffa, where they rose to prominence. The Chelouche family was also involved in the iron and tile industry, and had good connections with Arab families, as they spoke Arabic. Aharon Chelouche assisted new immigrants from Russia and Romania in settling in Israel, including the Biluim who arrived in Jaffa in 1882. By trading gold and silver, he earned enough to acquire land northeast of Jaffa . He built the first house outside Jaffa in a neighborhood called Manshiya. This house was destroyed during the War of Independence. Later, in 1887, with the assistance of Shimon Rokah, a well-established Jew in the Old Yishuv , he played a key role in establishing the Neve Tzedek neighborhood in that same area. He is credited with founding the first Jewish settlement outside Jaffa, predating the founders of Tel Aviv by more than 20 years. He moved to his second house in 1892 in Neve Tzedek, which was one of the largest in the late 19th century and expanded as the family grew. A synagogue was attached to the house, which is still in use to this day. Aharon prioritized religious education, hiring a rabbi from Beirut (Shlomo Bahbut) to teach in Jaffa. He had a total of seven children and died at age 79 in 1920. He is buried in the Trumpeldor Cemetery in Tel Aviv, located on a piece of land purchased by Shimon Rokach in 1902. His sons, Yosef Eliyahu and Yaakov, played pivotal roles as founders of Ahuzat Bait (the former name of Tel Aviv) in 1909. Yosef Eliyahu, in particular, left a lasting impact on both Neveh Tzedek and Tel Aviv. He was instrumental in constructing the Girls’ School and the Alliance School, which is now known as the Suzanne Dellal Center. Yosef Eliyahu, along with his other brother Avraham Haim, established two companies supplying construction materials. Their efforts significantly contributed to the construction of the first new buildings in Ahuzat Bait and later Tel Aviv until the late 1920s. Additionally, his grandson, Moshe Chelouche, briefly served as the third Mayor of Tel Aviv, holding the position for 10 days. Source: https://he.wikipedia.org/wiki/אהרן_שלוש https://www.jpost.com/local-israel/tel-aviv-and-center/the-arab-jew-from-algeria

We recommend reading the article about the Irgun to fully understand this article. The Herut movement was founded in 1948 and succeeded the Irgun organization, the military arm of the Revisionist movement (created by Jabotinsky ) during the Yishuv period. It opposed Mapai in its vision for the Land of Israel. On the occasion of the Declaration of Independence , Menachem Begin, the Etzel commander, stated in a speech that the organization would cease its activities in the newly formed country and respect its government. Indeed, Etzel soldiers later integrated into the newly formed Israel Defense Forces . On June 15, 1948, after the Declaration of Independence, Menahem Begin created a new movement called Herut ("Freedom"). The party represents the right wing of the political spectrum in Israel, with its core principles being: The integrity of the homeland, The ingathering of the Jewish Diaspora, Social justice, The rule of law, The State borders on both sides of the Jordan River. Strong importance was also given to foreign affairs and defense. The movement opposed the 1949 armistice agreement and the Sinai withdrawal in 1956. In foreign relations, Herut advocated a pro-Western and anti-Soviet orientation, and strongly opposed relations with Germany. This opposition culminated in 1952 in violent demonstrations in Jerusalem against the reparations agreement (signed by Moshe Sharett on behalf of the State of Israel). In the socio-economic field, Herut defined itself as a liberal party and called for: the maintenance of free initiative, individual freedom, the obstruction of any attempt to introduce socialism. It combined social principles such as freedom of association and labor rights, and principles that take care of the interests of employers and liberal professions to attract voters from the middle class. During the first two decades of the young country, Ben Gurion considered Herut (along with the Israeli Communist Party), as a non-viable party to form a coalition with. To challenge Mapai's rule (in power since the '30s), Herut allied with the Israeli Liberal Party in 1965 to form an organization called Gahal. Gahal: G ush H erut– L ibralim:The Herut-Liberal Bloc. Within Gahal, the two parties continued to function as independent factions within the alliance. In 1973 the Likud was established as a joint list of several parties and movements, and Herut merged into it through Gahal while remaining an independent entity. In 1977, a right-wing government was established under the leadership of Menahem Begin and the Likud, as an alternative to Mapai and other worker's parties who led the Yishuv and State's institutions since 1930. You can hear and see Begin's speech, after the official results, via this YouTube link . He mentions Jabotinsky's vision, the importance of that historical moment for the Jewish people and Democracy, the journey Etzel and Herut fighters have been through that made this day possible, and the possibility of peace agreements with Jordan and Syria. On August 25, 1988, the Harut Party and the Israeli Liberal Party were finally united in one party called Likud, the National Liberal Movement. Sources: https://www.idi.org.il/policy/parties-and-elections/parties/herut/ https://he.wikipedia.org/wiki/המפלגה_הליברלית_הישראלית https://he.wikipedia.org/wiki/הליכוד

Acronym: Beit Ya'akov Lekhu Venelkha Translation: "House of Jacob, come, let us walk" Biblical Source: Isaiah 2:5. In the early 1880s, Jews in the Russian Empire experienced harsh antisemitism, violence, and persecution. In response to that, and in opposition to assimilation, some Jews suggested settling a home for the Jewish people in the Land of Israel, the only place Jews could become a nation. Indeed, the Bilu Movement was founded in 1882 in the Russian Empire (in Kharkiv) by Israel Belkind. It was the first Jewish movement actively supporting the idea of settling in the Land of Israel, created 15 years before Herzl organized the First Zionist Congress in 1897! In a short period, Bilu groups emerged in the Russian Empire and reached 500 members. However, due to internal disagreements, only a few made the step to settle in Israel. The first trip to the Land of Israel was made up of 14 people, with Israel Belkind as their leader. They called themselves "Habiluim" (Bilu, in plural). The group arrived in Jaffa on July 6th, 1882, and laid the groundwork for the First Aliyah to the Land of Israel. Ya'akov Shertok (father of Prime Minister Moshe Sharett ) arrived a few weeks before them. Most of its first members were students inspired by socialist ideas, making them the first socialist-Zionist group. They aimed to work in agriculture and integrated the Mikve Israel School (founded in 1870) to work as laborers right after their arrival. They rented a house in the area, today called "Beit Ha'Biluim" - the Biluim house - located at that place (Google Map Location). The group lived in difficult conditions. Indeed, most of them never worked the land and had no experience in agriculture (forbidden for Jews in Russia), which led them to near starvation on some occasions. It was Charles Netter, the founder of Mikve Israel, who helped them establish and mentored them. At his death that same year, the group split up due to disagreements. A part of the group (including Israel Belkind) started working in Rishon Lezion as laborers. Another part was sent by their new leader Rabbi Yechiel Michel Pines to Jerusalem to work as artisans. Bilu members from Rishon Lezion and Jerusalem meeting in 1898 in Rishon Lezion. Source: Public Domain, wikipedia. Pines was among the leaders of the Hovevei Zion association, a Rabbi, a journalist, businessman, and writer in the early days of the First Alya Period. He saw them as "The New Jews", who would bring Israel's revival. In June 1883, Bilu had 28 members in Israel, including: 13 in Rishon LeZion, 7 in Mikveh Israel, 3 in Jerusalem. In this YouTube video , you can hear and learn about the Bilu anthem (starting at 01:02) called "Hushu, Achim, Hushu" ("Hurry, brothers, hurry"). This song was written in 1882/1883 and is considered by many as the first Zionist song. It became very popular in the Yishuv . The story of that song, as described in the video: During Pessah, the Biluim walked to Jerusalem to celebrate at Pines' house. Together with Pines, they sang Russian songs, including a student's revolutionary song in Russia. Pines stood up from his chair and translated this song into Hebrew. That same day they walked through Jerusalem streets singing one of the first Zionist songs in Hebrew. More details about the song here . In 1884, 9 Bilu members settled in Gedera, after their leader Pines purchased 3300 Dunam through the Hovevei Zion Association, by acquiring the land of the Arab village of Qatra . The Bilu settlement became known historically as Gedera even though there were a few Bilu'im in Rishon LeZeion  and elsewhere as well. By the end of the year, there were 48 Bilu members in Israel, while the Russian group ceased to exist. Also in 1884, they organized with Eliezer Ben-Yehuda a Passover trip, spoke Hebrew among themselves and sang Hebrew songs. Despite many difficulties, those who remained proved to be a model of exemplarity for future generations settling in the Land of Israel, despite the ups and downs. It is estimated that 60 Bilu members left the Russian Empire for the Land of Israel during the early 1880s and only 20 stayed. Later, some of them became public figures. Only one Bilu member, Menashe Meirowitz (1860-1949), lived long enough to see the Declaration of Independence in 1948. Sources: https://he.wikipedia.org/wiki/ביל%22ו https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/bilu-2 https://www.hamusha-adasha.co.il/טיולים-בדרום/גדרה/ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N52x8CFKmK0 https://herzl.haifa.ac.il/images/Item_31267259_20220123094026.pdf

Translation: "Hurry, Brothers, hurry". To fully understand this article, we recommend reading our article about the Bilu Movement. "Hushu, Achim, Hushu" is the name given to the Bilu Anthem, which you can listen to in this YouTube video (starting at 01:02). This song was written in 1882/1883 by Yehiel Michel Pines and is considered by many as the first Zionist song, representing the Zionist pioneering idea of settling the Land of Israel. Pines composed the song in honor of the Bilu members, whom he supported and encouraged ideologically and financially. The song became very popular in the Yishuv , sung during many celebrations and ceremonies, before and after the establishment of the state. The chorus is made up of the following sentences: Huchu, Achim, Huchu! חוּשׁוּ, אַחִים, חוּשׁוּ! Nerima Pe'amenu! נָרִימָה פְּעָמֵינוּ! Tushu, Achum, Tuchu! טוּשׂוּ, אַחִים, טוּשׂוּ, (With the word טוּשׂוּ pronounced "Tushu", replacing "Tusu", meaning "Fly") LeEretz Avoteinu לְאֶרֶץ אֲבוֹתֵינוּ! Translation: Hurry, brothers, hurry! Let's go! Fly, brothers, fly, To the Land of our forefathers! The song tells the story of the adventure of settling in the Land of Israel, from the strict Ottoman rules to the difficult social situation (mockery from close family and friends, loneliness). It's a sort of dialogue between those who stayed in the Russian Empire, and the ones who decided to take the risk to take on a new adventure (full of difficulties) in the "Judaean Mountains" (words from the last stanza). The video describes the song's story as follows: During Pessah, the Biluim walked to Jerusalem to celebrate at Pines' house. Together with Pines, they sang Russian songs, including a student's revolutionary song in Russia. Pines stood up from his chair and translated this song into Hebrew. That same day they walked through Jerusalem streets singing one of the first Zionist songs in Hebrew.

Step with me into the Hula Valley – a place that isn’t just fertile land, but a living bridge between our prehistoric past and a high-tech future. Imagine standing atop Mitzpe Nimrod in Rosh Pina, the wind brushing your face, as the landscape unfolds below like a vast timeline of human civilization. From here, you can almost hear the whispers of the Bashan giants long gone, and feel the pulse of innovations yet to come. The Gateway of Early Humanity Long before borders were drawn, this valley was humanity’s highway - a natural corridor through which our ancestors journeyed from Africa into Eurasia. At Gesher Benot Ya'aqov, dated to roughly 780,000 years ago, archaeologists have found some of the earliest evidence of hominins controlling fire and cooking food, alongside thousands of carefully made stone tools. Picture them gathering around flickering flames, cooking their catch, warming their hands, and sharing the earliest sparks of civilization. Later, as part of the Fertile Crescent, the valley witnessed the dawn of agriculture. Nomadic groups began planting roots - literally and figuratively - building ancient strongholds like Tel Hazor (28th–24th century BCE) and Tel Dan (c. 18th century BCE). Here, humans began turning the wild earth into something familiar, something lasting. Land of Covenant, Conquest, and Giants The Hula Valley is woven into the Jewish story, its soil steeped in legend. To the north rises Har Dov, associated symbolically with Abraham’s covenantal promise of the land, though the exact site of Brit Bein HaBetarim - the Covenant of the Pieces - remains unknown. Nearby lie the Waters of Merom, where Joshua led the Israelites to victory against a formidable Canaanite coalition. And then there are the giants. To the northeast lies the Bashan, parts of today’s Golan Heights and southern Syria, once ruled by Og, King of Bashan - a legendary Rephaite giant. Imagine the shadow of these towering figures walking the land we now traverse. Og met his end at the Battle of Edrei, defeated by Moses and the Israelites. Further east on the Golan Heights stands Gilgal Refaim, a massive Chalcolithic/Early Bronze Age megalithic monument. Locals call it the “Wheel of Giants,” a silent relic reminding us that even the largest stories are rooted in real places. When the Israelites settled, their spirituality became practical and grounded. The 613 Commandments weren’t abstract—they were deeply tied to the landscapes and agricultural life of the Land of Israel: Shmita, the sabbatical year; Kilayim, rules about seeds, plants, and animals; and everyday safety practices, like covering open wells. Law, faith, and life were inseparable. A Crossroads of Empires and Land The Hula Valley and northern Jordan corridor lay on vital land routes linking Syria and Mesopotamia with the Galilee, the coast, and Egypt. While the Nabatean Incense and spice routes ran further south through the Negev, armies and caravans still moved through this northern passage, drawn to its water and fertile soils. Over time, they carried wine, olive oil, grain, and other agricultural produce through the region, leaving layers of meaning in the soil. From Fertile Crescent to AgTech Valley In the modern era, the valley’s story took a new chapter when agronomist Aaron Aaronsohn (1876–1919) discovered wild emmer wheat (אם החיטה), the ancestor of domesticated wheat, near Rosh Pina. This genetic treasure reshaped global wheat breeding and added yet another layer to the valley’s long history of human innovation. Fast forward to today, and the Hula Valley is again at the forefront of a revolution - this time technological and agricultural. The Upper Galilee–Hula–Jordan Valley region is emerging as Israel’s northern AgTech and FoodTech hub. The Innovation Hub: In and around Kiryat Shmona, initiatives like Margalit Startup City Galil and the Fresh Start FoodTech incubator nurture startups focused on foodtech, alternative proteins, climate and advanced processing. A Specialized Ecosystem: Farmers, kibbutzim, entrepreneurs, and researchers collaborate on smart irrigation, resilient crops, sustainable livestock, and circular water and waste use. Cutting-Edge Research and Talent: Tel‑Hai University, in partnership with the MIGAL Research Institute, is building a strong biotechnology and food-science hub, feeding talent directly into the regional innovation pipeline. A Northern Strategic Corridor: Just as ancient routes threaded through the valleys, today modern roads, energy lines, and communication infrastructure connect the region to the Mediterranean. Nearby, the historic “oil road” of the Golan Heights traces the path of a former trans‑Arab pipeline, showing how resources and power have always moved through this landscape. The future is here: drones flying over ancient fields, soil sensors measuring moisture, and farmers following traditions set thousands of years ago. Here, history and the future collide on the valley floor. The Valley of Eternal Return The Hula Valley is a living archive, holding echoes of every age. Prehistoric hearths and handaxes, biblical battles and covenants, agronomic discoveries and high-tech incubators all coexist on the same fertile soil. From the footsteps of giants to the fingerprints of innovators, the valley has always been a bridge—once for herds, caravans, and armies, now for ideas, data, and sustainable technologies. As it transforms from the stage of biblical battles into an “AgTech Valley,” the Hula continues its ancient promise: a crossroads where the heritage and ingenuity of the Jewish people help shape the future of global sustainability and the care of the land. Article Written by Yehuda Folberg Tour Guide in the Galilee and Israel Contact details for local tips: Instagram & Linkedin

1828 - 1916. Haim Nissim Amzlag was a Jewish businessman and community leader during the Yishuv period. He was born in Gibraltar to a Moroccan family. Haim Amzlag as a Portuguese Consul. Source: Geni.com In 1834 his family immigrated to the Land of Israel and settled in Jerusalem . Haim Amzlag's father, Yosef Amzlag, was a rich merchant from Morocco who visited Jaffa in 1816. He was Moshe Montefiore 's personal friend, who stayed with him during his visits to Israel. As a child, he received a traditional education and studied European languages. He moved to Jaffa in the 50's of the 19th century. He arrived in Jaffa at the beginning of the city's development. The port of Jaffa welcomed Jewish pilgrims and immigrants and was also dedicated to citrus exports. In the middle of the 19th century, the Jewish community in Jaffa was made up of immigrants from North Africa and Ashkenazim (who came after them). In the 50s of the 19th century, the city saw rapid economic and physical development. Jaffa was also the scene of intensifying European intervention, which was reflected in the establishment of consular missions, churches, schools, welfare services, and commercial institutions. In 1852 he started his journey through countries in the eastern basin of the Mediterranean Sea as part of his international trade business. Among other things, he received a transit certificate from the Consul General of Great Britain allowing him to pass freely "without obstacles and restraints."* Gradually he became a prominent figure in the Jewish community of Jaffa. For example, when a Jew from Alexandria was attacked by a Muslim mob because he allegedly slandered Islam, the community first came to Haim Amzlag's house and asked for his advice. After that, they sent telegrams to the governor and to various consuls in Jerusalem and the incident was over. Amzlag also served as a Mohel in Jaffa. According to the writings of the Milot (circumcision) family book, he circumcised 19 boys, most of them members of his family. In one case, he circumcised a Muslim child in the synagogue in Jaffa, in the presence of many Muslims who gathered to witness the event. They included prominent Muslim figures. This event enriched his status and the status of the Jewish community in Jaffa. The Jewish community in Jaffa began to organize in 1863, when Yehuda Margoza initiated the first public committee, called the "Jaffa City Committee". The committee's first action was the establishment of a branch of the "Kol Israel Khaverim" ('Universal Israelite Alliance') organization, and the appointment of Haim Amzlag as its president. The Committee opened a school for boys in Jaffa in 1868. In 1876 he was appointed deputy consul of Britain in Jaffa. He was involved in many businesses, including the Jaffa-Jerusalem railway initiative. He represented British companies, including Lloyds of London (an insurance company). In 1884 he was also appointed consul of Portugal in Jerusalem, but after a few years, he transferred the position to his relative Yosef "Bey" Navon. In 1905-1906 he retired from his many positions due to old age. At the beginning of World War 1 , he was deported to Egypt, like others from the Jewish settlement who held foreign possessions. He died in Alexandria in February 1916. He had 9 children. During his life, Haim Amzlag purchased lands in Petah Tikva and Rishon LeZion . He was also the head of the Hovevei Zion Movement in the Land of Israel. On the land of Rishon LeZion, he conducted negotiations with the local Arabs on behalf of Levontin and his friends. This was because they were not familiar with all the details of purchasing land in the Land of Israel. Amzlag helped circumvent an Ottoman government decree that prohibited the settlement of Jews of foreign origin, by purchasing the lands of Ayun-Kara (south of Jaffa) from Mustafa Abdullah Ali Dejan and registering them in his name. Rishon LeZion's lands were registered in Amzlag's name and the settlers received unofficial Hebrew certificates. Sources: * https://he.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D7%97%D7%99%D7%99%D7%9D_%D7%90%D7%9E%D7%96%D7%9C%D7%90%D7%92 https://tlv-streets.yonbergman.com/street/160-hayim-amzalag

The Jaffa Jewish Cemetery goes unnoticed by most visitors, and even by its own residents. Its founder also remains somewhat "hidden" behind the name of the famous street "Yehuda Margoza." In reality, this refers to Yehuda Mé Raguza - meaning Yehuda from the city of Raguza, today’s Dubrovnik in Croatia. Yet, Rabbi Yehuda Halevi of Raguza (1783–1882) was a figure who was not only scholarly and charismatic but also profoundly original and inspiring. Rabbi Yehuda Margoza in 1873. Public Domain. A Turning Point for the Jaffa Community Born in Sarajevo, he studied in Raguza before leaving at the age of 18 for the Land of Israel, where he became a rabbi. His destiny shifted when he was appointed Rabbi of Jaffa in 1825. He discovered a small town of a few thousand inhabitants, home to a tiny Jewish community whose habits he would radically transform. He noticed, for example, that for unclear reasons - apparently linked to an interpretation of Halakha (Jewish law) - the city's Jews were transporting their dead all the way to Jerusalem for burial. The new rabbi demonstrated that no religious prohibition prevented the community from having its own resting place. In 1834, he officially founded the Jaffa cemetery, giving a growing community an additional reason to take permanent root. A Polyglot and Visionary Leader A true pillar of the city, Yehuda Mé Raguza earned the respect of all - Jews, Christians, and Muslims - thanks to his personality and his mastery of six languages: Hebrew, Arabic, Serbian, Turkish, French, and Ladino. For his own community, he achieved a feat of diplomacy: he established the Jaffa Assembly, bringing together Sephardim and Ashkenazim. Under his leadership, the boys' school of the Alliance Israélite Universelle (Kol Israel Haverim) opened its doors in Jaffa in 1868. As a high-level institution, it propelled an entire generation of young Jews in Jaffa, with Haim Amzlag serving as its first president. A Man of Action for the Yishuv An entrepreneur for the city, he was also one in his own right. A precursor and supporter of political Zionism, he opposed the Halukka system (foreign subsidies for Jewish populations in the Land of Israel) and decided to lead by example. With this in mind, he purchased land to plant, with his own hands, an orange grove. If you pass through the Montefiore neighborhood in Tel Aviv today (located between Hashalom and Yitzhak Sadeh avenues), spare a thought for Rabbi Yehuda: it is precisely there that his farm was located before he sold it to Sir Moses Montefiore. Today, it is at his grave that you can pay tribute to this extraordinary figure who shaped the face of the city. The cemetery is generally open to the public every Thursday morning. Article written by Catherine Said Certified tour guide in Israel, following a scientific career. Creator of the twelve-step tour "Unusual Stories of Jaffa." She offers a perspective on the country at the crossroads of history, society, environment, and contemporary realities. Social Media: Instagram & Facebook

Deep in the Judean Desert sits a site that feels as timeless as the sand surrounding it. This is Nabi Musa, a place considered by many to be one of the holiest locations in the region. Nabi Musa and the Tomb of Moses While many people know the story of Moses from the Bible, in Muslim tradition, he is known as Musa. According to local Muslim belief , the ancient white-domed complex standing in the desert marks the final resting place of the prophet. Nabi Musa In Jewish and Christian traditions, however, the location of Moses’s tomb remains unknown. It is often associated with the region around Mount Nebo, across the Jordan Valley in present-day Jordan, in what was historically the land of Moab. History of the Nabi Musa Pilgrimage The history of Nabi Musa dates back to the 13th century, when the Mamluk Sultan Baybars built the first shrine here in 1269 . While he formalized the site, the location was likely already associated with Moses’s tomb. The site had long been known as a landmark for travelers, although the reason this particular place became linked to Moses remains unclear. For centuries, it served as an important stop for pilgrims traveling between Jerusalem and Jericho, as well as along the route used to export sugar from Jericho. Over time, the site developed into a large complex with more than 100 rooms , designed to accommodate the thousands of believers who gathered every spring for the colorful Mawsim Nabi Musa festival  - a week of prayers, music, and processions that became a cornerstone of local identity. Marked by local traditions, communal prayers, and - especially during the British Mandate period - nationalist slogans, the festival reflects the evolving interplay between faith and political activism. Over time, the festival’s format has evolved. The traditional procession that once departed from Jerusalem no longer takes place today. What remains is largely symbolic, with more limited participation, reflecting the broader political and social changes that have reshaped the region. Today, the celebrations function primarily as a symbolic expression of the enduring commitment to honoring the Prophet Moses and preserving Palestinian heritage. Visiting the Nabi Musa Shrine Visiting Nabi Musa is a sensory experience. As you look out over the architecture, you can often hear the peaceful sound of prayer echoing across the stone courtyards. The site is defined by: The Domes: Striking white rooftops that mark the sacred rooms and guest quarters. The History: A centuries-old tradition honoring a prophet shared by several faiths. The Setting: The quiet, vast expanse of the Judean wilderness. The site is open to visitors and is often maintained with the help of local Bedouin communities. The Significance of Nabi Musa Today For those fortunate enough to visit, Nabi Musa offers a rare moment of reflection and a glimpse into the deep religious roots that shape the Holy Land . Its location also helps explain its historical importance. Situated just south of Jericho (one of the oldest continuously inhabited cities on Earth) and along the main road leading to Jerusalem, the site stands as a reminder of how ancient pilgrimage routes and desert outposts have long influenced the geography and shared history of the region. Today, Nabi Musa is also a Palestinian administrative territorial unit in the Jericho Governorate in the West Bank. Article Written by Sasha Zoiref Tour Guide in Israel Contact details: TripAdvisor  & Instagram