Ahdut Ha'Avoda was a socialist Zionist party. It was founded in 1919 as a union of the "Poalei Zion" party headed by David Ben-Gurion and the "non-partisan" workers. Before the creation of the party in February 1919, was held the Agricultural Federation's first national conference. During this event, the majority decided to establish the general union of Israel's workers called Ahdut Haavoda, "Labor Unity". Most Hapoel Ha'Tzair members didn't join. This new party was founded to create an organization benefiting all Hebrew workers in the Land of Israel. It included leftist, socialist, humanist, and Jewish ideologies, but not Marxist. Its ideology was formulated by Berel Katznelson , one of its leaders. The movement included two kinds of communities: the workers in the settlements and the urban workers. The movement became the largest in the General Workers' Union, Hahistadrut , due to the unity of these two major communities, along with the support of the Kibbutz people. In 1930, the party merged with Hapoel Hatzair to form the 'Party of the Workers of Israel' ( Mapai , Mifleget Poalei Eretz Yisrael), which dominated Israeli politics until the 1960s. A few decades later, in 1968, Mapai merged with other left-wing parties, leading to the formation of the modern Israeli Labor Party (HaAvoda). Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahdut_HaAvoda

1898 - 1978. Golda Meir was an Israeli politician, and Prime Minister of Israel from 1969 to 1974. Born in Kyiev, her early years were marked by extreme poverty and pogroms, which shaped her deep-seated dedication to Jewish security. Antisemitic violence and hiding memories fuelled her lifelong commitment. Additionally, she recalled her sister Sheyna risking her life to attend Labor Zionist meetings. Golda Meir in 1973. Source: Library of Congress. In 1903, her father Moshe left for America and settled his family in the poor Jewish section of Milwaukee (Wisconsin, USA). Golda was eight years old. At fourteen, Meir fought her parents to attend high school instead of finding a husband. She ran away to Denver, where she developed her political philosophy and fell in love with Morris Meirson, an artist. After returning home, she graduated from high school and became a teacher, advocating for Labor Zionism. One month after Britain issued the Balfour Declaration supporting “the establishment in Palestine of a National Home for the Jewish people” in 1917, Golda married Morris. In 1921, they arrived in the Land of Israel and established themselves in Kibbutz Merhavia (close to Afula), where they worked in the fields. Meir emerged as an exemplary kibbutz member and developed expertise in chicken breeding. Two years later, they moved to Jerusalem , where Golda gave birth to Menachem in 1924, and Sarah in 1926. The family had a life of grinding poverty. In 1928, she became secretary of Histadrut’s Mo’ezet ha-Po’alot, Women Workers Council. This event caused disturbances in her relationship with her husband Morris. She quickly evolved in the hierarchy and became a member of the Executive Committee of the Histadrut in 1934 and head of its political department two years later. During World War 2 , she held several key posts in the World Zionist Organization and the Jewish Agency. This was the highest Jewish authority in British-administered Palestine. Until the end of the British mandate , she was its spokesperson in dealings with the British. In 1948, she led several vital initiatives that contributed to the establishment of the State of Israel. For example, she met with King Abdullah (of Jordan), to try to persuade him to stay out of the war. He remained unresponsive to her pleas. She also traveled to the United States and raised 50 million dollars from the American Jewish community to equip the armed forces. On May 14, 1948, Golda Meir signed the Declaration of Independence of the State of Israel , along with 36 other signatories. Golda Meir and Rachel Cohen-Kagen were the only women to sign the Declaration of Independence. Foreign Minister Moshe Sharett appointed her ambassador to the USSR. In 1949, she was elected to the Knesset and appointed by Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion to be Minister of Labor, a position she held until 1956. Her main mission was to find jobs and housing for the nearly seven hundred thousand immigrants who streamed into the country between May 1948 and 1951. In 1956, Ben-Gurion made her Foreign Minister. He also insisted she adopt a Hebrew-sounding surname to better represent her Hebrew-speaking nation, and Meirson became Meir. She had a unique way of diplomacy, away from formalities. One of her proudest accomplishments was the export of Israeli technical and agricultural expertise to African nations. In 1966, she retired from the government, at age 68. Despite Meir's belief that her public career was over, she was convinced to become secretary general of Mapai . She was later secretary of the Unified Labor Party in 1967. However, when Prime Minister Levi Eshkol passed away in February 1969, the party urged her to become Israel's leader to prevent a power struggle. This delayed her retirement plans. As Prime Minister, Golda Meir tried to reach a political solution to the conflict between Israel and Egypt prior to the Yom Kippur War. Despite military and diplomatic warnings, she hadn't seen the war coming. On October 6, 1973, Egypt and Syria launched a surprise attack, starting the Yom Kippur War . In this YouTube video , you can see the speech she delivered on TV on the first day of the war. Israeli forces faced considerable casualties, exceeding 2,700, despite eventually regaining the offensive. Golda Meir deeply regretted not mobilizing the reserves earlier, as her instincts urged her to do so. Instead, she trusted the advice of military intelligence experts who did not see the need for immediate action . The nation was gripped by a sense of national trauma, leading to public backlash against Meir . Grieving parents of the deceased blamed her and Defense Minister Dayan for the devastating losses, shouting their discontent in the streets. She was exonerated from direct responsibility for Israel's unpreparedness for the war by the Agranat Commission. Although the Labor Party won the December 1973 election, Meir was unable to form a government. She resigned on April 10, 1974, and officially handed over the premiership to Yitzhak Rabin on June 3rd. During her tenure as Prime Minister, Golda Meir devoted a significant portion of her efforts to diplomacy , combining personal interactions with strategic use of the media. With determination, a friendly demeanor, a grandmotherly image, straightforward yet highly effective communication, and a clear agenda, Golda Meir managed to secure unprecedented levels of financial and military support. This YouTube video is a speech she delivered in 1973. Even though she was prime minister on behalf of the Labor movement, her memory is not very empathetic in some left-wing circles. She is seen as someone who paved the way for the Yom Kippur War and corrupted the Mapai apparatus during her time. Others find in her the warmth of a "Jewish mother" and the ability to withstand stressful situations. In addition, she is famous as the only woman who served as Prime Minister of Israel. Despite the initial rejection and anguish she experienced from Israelis, she managed to transform into a respected senior stateswoman and a cherished figure among the public in her later years. As time passed, her reputation regained its luster. Golda Meir died in December 1978, at the age of 80. Sources: https://he.wikipedia.org/wiki/גולדה_מאיר https://jwa.org/encyclopedia/article/meir-golda https://www.gov.il/en/departments/people/_golda_meir

1895 - 1969. Levi Eshkol was an Israeli politician and the third Prime Minister of the State of Israel, between 1963 and 1969. You can see on this YouTube link a short video explaining his accomplishments. Source: Government Press Office (Israel). Levi-Yitzchak Shkolnik was born in the Kyiv region (Russian Empire), where he received a traditional Jewish education, completed by general studies. In 1911, in Vilnius, in the Jewish gymnasium, he joined the students' association Zeiri Zion (Youth of Zion). He deepened his connections with the Zionist movement and was elected to the local executive committee. In 1913, he joined Hapoel Hatzair. In 1914, he immigrated to the Land of Israel. During World War I , Eshkol joined the Ottomans and obtained exemption from military service through connections and cash payments. After the British invasion, he was compelled to join the Turkish army but managed to escape. In 1916, he was elected to the Union of Agricultural Workers of Judea committee and joined HaPoel Hatzair , where he became involved in its leadership. It was a step up in his public status, as one of the leaders of the labor movement in Israel In July 1918, towards the end of the war, Eshkol, contrary to his party's decision, volunteered with the Jewish Legion of the British Army. He served until the summer of 1920. That same year, Eshkol helped to found: The Kibbutz Degania (next to the Kinneret), The Histadrut (Israel's General Federation of Labour), The Haganah (main paramilitary organization in the Yushuv , and ancestor to the IDF). At the beginning of 1922, Eshkol assumed three positions: A member of the Histadrut Council (21 members headed by General Secretary Ben-Gurion), Member of the Histadrut Executive Committee (seven members), And the representative of "Hapoel HaTzair" on the executive board of the "Agricultural Center" ( an organization formed during the Yishuv period, serving as a collective entity for both working settlement workers and those involved in agricultural education. ). Eshkol advocated for a national water company and successfully established the Mekorot Water Company in February 1937. He served as its director until 1951, overseeing its expansion into residential areas and the construction of water lines in the southern Negev area. By 1947, over 200 kilometers of water lines were operational. Eshkol returned to serve in the Haganah high command from 1940 to 1948 and ran the organization's Treasury. He engaged in arms acquisition for the Haganah before and during the 1948 War of Independence. Between 1942 and 1944, Eshkol served as Secretary General of Mapai (a democratic socialist political party in Israel, which was the dominant force in Israeli politics until its merger into the modern-day Israeli Labor Party in 1968). In 1947, David Ben-Gurion asked him to lead the national recruitment center, which helped create the Israel Defense Forces . Israel became independent in May 1948 and Eshkol was chosen as Director-General of the Ministry of Defense from May 1948 to January 1949. During the time of mass immigration to the State of Israel (1949–1950), Eshkol headed the Settlement Department in the Jewish Agency. During his tenure as head of the settlement department, he oversaw the establishment of 371 new settlements and the expansion of about 60 additional settlements. Eshkol was elected to the Knesset in 1951 as a member of the Mapai party and served as Minister of Agriculture for a year. In 1952, he was appointed Finance Minister and held that position for 12 years. In 1954 he completed legislation for the establishment of the Bank of Israel. In 1961, Ben-Gurion asked to retire as prime minister and recommended Eshkol as his successor. Mapai made Ben-Gurion stay. Ben-Gurion continued to lead Mapai in the 1961 legislative election but struggled to form a coalition and relied on Eshkol's negotiations with rival parties. When Ben-Gurion resigned in June 1963, Eshkol was elected party chairman by a broad consensus and appointed Prime Minister. Eshkol formed Israel's 12th government in 1963. During his Prime Ministership, Levi Eshkol: Opened the National Water Company, Fulfilled Ze'ev Jabotinsky's wish and brought his body and his wife to Israel where they were buried in Mount Herzl Cemetery, Improved Israel's foreign relations by establishing diplomatic relations with West Germany in 1965 and cultural ties with the Soviet Union. This also allowed Soviet Jews to immigrate to Israel. Was the first Israeli Prime Minister invited on an official state visit to the United States in May 1964, Ensured US political and military support for Israel before the Six-Day War of June 1967, Brought about the abolition of the military government over the Israeli Arabs and introduced a conciliatory policy towards rival parties (The military government over the Israeli Arabs was a military government that the State of Israel controlled over the Arab settlements on its territory, starting in 1948 until its abolition in 1966). Led the Israeli government during and after the Six-Day War, On the eve of the Six-Day War, a leadership crisis erupted. Under pressure, Prime Minister Eshkol appointed Moshe Dayan from the Rafi party as Minister of Defense and formed a National Unity Government. This political coalition included Menahem Begin’s Herut party, a major conservative-nationalist movement that later merged into Likud in 1988. Formed the basis for the Alignment* ( HaMa'arakh) in 1965 and created the second alignment in 1968. While serving as Prime Minister, he died from a heart attack in February 1969. Eshkol was laid to rest at Mount Herzl and was the first prime minister interred at the Great Leaders of the Nation Plot. *The first Alignment was a 1965 alliance of Mapai and Ahdut HaAvoda. The two parties continued to exist independently but submitted joint electoral lists. Often called the Labor Alignment, the alliance lasted three years until a merger with Rafi in 1968 creating the unitary Israeli Labor Party. Sources: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Levi_Eshkol https://main.knesset.gov.il/about/commemoration/pages/eshkol.aspx

1870 - 1963. Herbert Louis Samuel, 1st Viscount Samuel was the first appointed High Commissioner for Palestine, in charge of the administration of the territory from 1920 to 1925. Herbert Samuel, circa 1916. Source: npg.org.uk . Herbert Samuel was brought up in an Orthodox Jewish family but later stopped practicing. Despite this, he remained deeply invested in solving Jewish communal issues. He was the first Jew to hold a Cabinet minister position, and he even became the leader of the British Liberal Party from 1931 to 1935. A month after Britain declared war on the Ottoman Empire in November 1914, Herbert Samuel met Chaim Weizmann, who would later become the first President of Israel. Weizmann noted in his memoirs that Samuel was already a strong supporter of Zionism. Although Samuel didn't go into detail about his plans, he mentioned that "the Jews would have to build railways, harbors, a university, a network of schools, etc", as well as potentially a Temple in "modernized form". By 1915, Samuel shared a memorandum called 'The Future of Palestine' with his colleagues in the cabinet, in which he suggested that Britain should conquer Palestine to protect the Suez Canal and make it a home for the Jewish people. This memorandum later influenced the Balfour Declaration. Below are some timeline elements to give a bit more context to his nomination. In December 1917, the British officer General Allenby entered Jerusalem , In October 1918 British forces captured the rest of Palestine, and a military government was set up, On the 25th of April 1920, the Council of the League of Nations approved a British mandate for Palestine during the San Remo Conference, On July 1st,1920 Sir Herbert Samuel set up a civilian government. Herbert Samuel became the first Jew to govern the historic Land of Israel in 2000 years. The local Jewish population warmly welcomed him. You can see him at the beginning of this video . Samuel's appointment to become High Commissioner for Palestine was controversial. While the Jews in the Land of Israel welcomed the appointment of a Zionist Jew to the post, the military government, headed by Edmund Allenby, called Samuel's appointment "highly dangerous". The idea of appointing Samuel was also debated in the House of Lords, up to a day before he arrived in Palestine. Three months after his arrival, The Morning Post commented: "Sir Herbert Samuel's appointment as High Commissioner was regarded by everyone, except Jews, as a serious mistake." As High Commissioner, Samuel aimed to act as a mediator between the interests of Zionists and Arabs. He wanted to gather the main stakeholders under the British Flag. Therefore, Herbert Samuel: worked to decrease the rate of Jewish immigration and build trust with the Arab population, tried to involve Arabs in mandate affairs and protect their civil and economic rights. On the other hand, he did not grant them any authority that could hinder Jewish immigration and land acquisition . chose the spiritual leader of the Muslim population, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Haj Amin Al-Husseini (a noted Arab nationalist extremist), was called to the Torah at the Hurva synagogue in the Old City of Jerusalem , recognized Hebrew as one of the three official languages of the territory after Eliezer Ben-Yehuda convinced him to do so, tried to set up 300 village schools in four years, but a financial crisis intervened, established a Department of Posts and Telegraphs that replaced the Ottoman and foreign postal services that existed before World War I, continued road construction work initiated by the Ottoman Empire, making the roads the main transport system of Palestine. During Samuel's administration, the Churchill White Paper was published . The Churchill White Paper was a policy paper issued by the British government in 1922. It declared support for the establishment of a Jewish national homeland in Palestine, but it also limited Jewish immigration and land purchases based on the region's economic capacity to accommodate the newcomers. The paper also emphasized the importance of protecting the rights of non-Jewish communities in Palestine. The Churchill White Paper became an important document in shaping the political landscape of the region. His impact on the current situation in Palestine is still debated, and Many Zionists were ultimately disappointed by Samuel, who they felt did not live up to the high expectations they had of him. In 1925, Herbert Samuel returned to Britain and dealt with local political affairs. Samuel believed that he had laid the foundations for the development of modern society. But lack of money held up many of his plans. He was replaced by Lord Plumer. Sources: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herbert_Samuel,_1st_Viscount_Samuel https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/the-arrival-of-sir-herbert-samuel-first-british-high-commissioner-in-palestine https://catalog.archives.gov.il/en/exhibition/herbert-samuel-and-the-british-mandate-for-palestine-the-formative-years/#

Just like the US has the Academy Awards (the Oscars), Israel has the Ophir Awards, the highest recognition a filmmaker can get. Named after the iconic Israeli actor Shaike Ophir, the awards have celebrated the best in Israeli cinema and deepened the connection between creators and audiences since 1990. Below is a humorous TV interview with Shaike Ophir, starting at minute 1 , where he explains the various ways to drink coffee. Each September, the Israeli Academy of Film and Television hosts the event, where films and creators compete in 18 categories for narrative and documentary film, as well as for television. Usually, the Best Film winner becomes Israel’s submission for the Academy Awards Best International Feature Film. So far, 10 Israeli films have been selected to compete. You can watch a clip from the 2023 ceremony at this link . One of the most celebrated figures of the Ophir Awards is Assi Dayan, the only filmmaker to date who has won in directing, screenwriting, and acting categories, racking up an impressive amount of 8 awards to his name. Some famous films that have won over the years: Life According to Agfa, 1992, Assi Dayan (extract below) Late Marriage, 2001, Dover Kosashvili Broken Wings, 2002, Nir Bergman The Band’s Visit, 2007, Eran Kolirin Walz with Bashir, 2008, Ari Folman Ajami, 2009, Yaron Shani Foxtrot, 2017, Samuel Maoz Close to Me, 2024, Tom Nesher Article Written with the help of Naomi Marchese, video editor and cinema specialist.

1866 - 1940. Israel (Oscar) Gruzenberg was a Jewish lawyer in Russia and a fighter for Jewish rights. Israel Gruzenberg, between 1900/1910. Source, Wikipedia, public domain. Born in today's Ukraine, he pursued legal studies at Kyiv University and engaged in several significant trials involving Jewish affairs. However, he became particularly renowned for his leadership in the defense team during the Menahem Mendel Beilis in 1913, alongside Rabbi Yaakov Mazeh and with backing from the Zionist movement led by Leo Motzkin. As a political activist in Russia, he was affiliated with the Democratic Party. Following the Balfour Declaration, his leanings shifted towards Zionism, and he was elected as Odessa's representative to the Constituent Assembly on behalf of the "Zionist Bloc." Leaving Russia in 1921 amidst the rise of Soviet rule post-October Revolution (1917) and the Civil War, he resettled in Berlin. Later, in 1926, he relocated to Riga, Latvia, engaging in public activities and serving as the Jewish Agency's representative in Latvia in 1929. Subsequently, he moved to Nice, France, in 1932, where he lived until he died in 1940. In his will, he expressed his wish to be buried in the Land of Israel, which was fulfilled in 1950 when he was interred in the Trumpeldor Cemetery in Tel Aviv. Streets in Tel Aviv , Jerusalem , and other cities were named in his honor.

Moshe Kassirer is an Israeli artist known for his unique blend of naturalism, cultural symbolism, and modern artistic techniques.  His paintings offer a nuanced exploration of life in the Galilee , Israeli society, and the ongoing relationship between humanity and nature. You can   Click here   to explore his creations! Born in 1967 in Netanya, his early life in a modern urban environment exposed him to a world dominated by technology and consumerism.  Kassirer received a formal education in the arts, studying painting at the Avni Institute of Art in Tel Aviv and filmmaking at the Camera Obscura School of Art. He also studied with prominent Israeli artists, including Naftali Golomb, and later with international painters such as Don Jusko and Robert Bosler. His artistic education provided him with both classical and contemporary techniques, laying the foundation for his exploration of various mediums. In 2003 Kassirer moved to Yodfat, in the Galilee.  This move inspired a new focus in his work, shifting his subject matter to the natural beauty and agricultural life of the region. His art reflects both his deep connection to the land and his observations of the ever-changing landscape of Israeli society. Through his paintings, Kassirer addresses the impact of modernization, industrialization, and globalism on humanity’s relationship with nature. Moshe Kassirer, "Zeitim BaGiv'a" ("Olives in the hill"). 2010. 92/122. Private Collection. His works often feature themes of manual labor, such as farmers working the land and seasonal agricultural scenes, such as olive harvest. These depictions evoke a sense of nostalgia for a simpler time when humanity and nature were more harmoniously intertwined. In many of his works, Kassirer uses ladders as a symbol, representing the connection between the material and spiritual worlds, and humanity's search for meaning in a complex and often destructive world. Kassirer's technique is notable for its layering of opaque and transparent paints, which add texture and depth to his work. His use of vivid colors and abstract forms gives his work a dreamlike quality. His paintings also incorporate historical, cultural, and spiritual elements, referencing Israeli history, Jewish tradition, and broader mythological narratives, all while engaging with contemporary issues such as environmental degradation, identity, and coexistence. Throughout his career, Kassirer has exhibited widely, both in Israel and internationally. His work has been featured in numerous solo and group exhibitions, earning him critical acclaim for his ability to merge personal and political themes.  Kassirer is also a member of the Israeli Painters & Sculptors Association and has been awarded the prestigious "America-Israel Cultural Foundation" scholarship Article Written by Ava Carmel Music, art, and writing creator Instagram: @avacarmel  Website: avacarmel.com Source: https://www.kassirer.co.il/english

Introduction Israel is one of only two democracies in the world (alongside England) that has not enacted a formal constitution, despite a clear decision by the Constituent Assembly to do so. This raises fundamental questions: Why has a constitution not been established? What are the consequences of this ongoing absence? And most importantly, can this be changed? The Establishment of Israel and the Absence of a Formal Constitution (1948-1950s) When the State of Israel was established in 1948, its founders envisioned the creation of a formal constitution. Israel’s Declaration of Independence explicitly mentioned that a constituent assembly would draft a constitution by October 1, 1948.  “ We declare that, (...) until the establishment of the elected, regular authorities of the State in accordance with the Constitution which shall be adopted by the Elected Constituent Assembly not later than the 1st October 1948, the People's Council shall act as a Provisional Council of State, and its executive organ, the People's Administration, shall be the Provisional Government of the Jewish State, to be called "Israel".”* However, this never materialized due to various political and social challenges, notably disagreement between religious and secular factions. Religious groups feared a constitution could limit the role of Jewish law, while others argued that a formal constitution was necessary for democratic governance. In 1950, the Knesset adopted the Harari Compromise , named after Knesset Member Yizhar Harari, which proposed that instead of drafting a complete constitution in one go, the constitution would be written gradually, chapter by chapter, in the form of Basic Laws.  ”The First Knesset instructs the Constitution, Law and Justice Committee to prepare a draft State Constitution. The constitution will be built chapter by chapter, in such a way that each will constitute a separate Basic Law. The chapters shall be presented to the Knesset when the committee completes its work, and all the chapters together shall comprise the Constitution of the State.“** These laws have since functioned as de facto constitutional elements. They address the structure of the government, the rights of individuals, and the judicial system but do not encompass a single unified document like most modern democracies. Basic Laws and the Evolving Legal Framework (1950s-Present) Throughout the decades, the Basic Laws have been periodically amended and expanded, addressing key aspects of governance such as the Israeli Knesset, the judiciary, and fundamental rights.  However, the lack of a formal constitution has led to ongoing legal debates and challenges, particularly regarding the balance between democratic values and Israel’s Jewish identity. In 1992, a significant step was taken with the adoption of Basic Laws concerning human rights, such as Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty and Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation , which are now central to Israel's legal and judicial framework. These Basic Laws are crucial to protect fundamental rights and civil liberties.  In this context, as Israel lacks a constitution, they allow the Supreme Court to review laws that might infringe on these liberties, anchoring democratic values in Israel's legal system. Moreover, with this lack of a formal constitution, the power of these laws can be more easily amended or overridden by the Knesset, creating tension between the legislative and judicial branches.  The Supreme Court, its Role and Consequences of Limiting Its Power The Supreme Court plays a vital role in interpreting and upholding Israel's Basic Laws, which serve as the nation's de facto constitution in the absence of a formal, written one.  Through its judicial review of legislation and government actions, the court ensures that these laws are respected, helping to protect individual rights and maintain essential checks and balances on the legislative and executive powers. Limiting the Supreme Court's authority would weaken these safeguards, making it easier for the Knesset to amend or bypass Basic Laws. Such a dynamic could not only destabilize the current legal framework but also complicate future efforts to establish a formal constitution, as judicial oversight is a key component of constitutional democracy. Recent Developments and Judicial Overhaul (2023-Present) In 2023, Israel faced (and still faces) one of its most significant political and judicial crises in recent history. The judicial overhaul initiated by the government aimed to curtail the powers of the Supreme Court, sparking widespread protests and international concern.  The 2023 amendment to Basic Law: The Judiciary , part of the judicial overhaul proposed by the Israeli government, aimed to limit the Supreme Court’s ability to use the reasonableness standard to review government decisions.  The change was seen by many as an attempt to reduce judicial oversight and shift more power to the executive and legislative branches. This sparked widespread protests, as it highlighted how easily the Knesset could amend Basic Laws to undermine judicial authority, deepening the ongoing tension between the branches of government. Critics of the overhaul feared that weakening the judiciary could harm democratic norms and lead to autocratic rule. The government, however, argued that the Supreme Court had overstepped its authority and reforms were necessary for balance. This judicial overhaul, coupled with ongoing regional conflicts, brought the conversation about the need for a formal constitution back to the forefront of Israeli politics. Many saw the absence of a constitution as a contributing factor to the instability, as there were no clear entrenched legal frameworks to resolve such deep disputes. The "Constitution for the Homeland" Campaign: A Contemporary Initiative In response to the political instability and the judicial crisis, the Movement for Quality Government and the Constitution Forum   launched the "Constitution for the Homeland" campaign. This initiative aims to institutionalize democratic values through the formal adoption of a comprehensive constitution, a move seen as crucial to ensuring political stability and safeguarding Israel’s democratic identity. The campaign emphasizes the need for a constitution that reflects Israel's multifaceted identity and provides a stable legal framework for governance, individual rights, and equality. The proposed constitution is intended to preserve Israel as a Jewish state while ensuring equitable treatment for minorities and equal duties and rights for all citizens.  The urgency of this movement is underscored by the ongoing judicial crisis and societal divisions. Recent surveys show strong public support for a constitution, with many Israelis agreeing that it should be based on the Declaration of Independence. Surveys by the Israel Democracy Institute found that a majority of Israelis support the adoption of a formal constitution, with many advocating for it to be based on the principles outlined in Israel's Declaration of Independence.  Conclusion Since its founding, Israel has grappled with the absence of a formal constitution, instead relying on Basic Laws to guide its governance. However, political and societal developments, especially the 2023 judicial overhaul, have amplified calls for the enactment of a comprehensive constitution. Some initiatives, such as The "Constitution for the Homeland" campaign, represent a significant effort to bring about this change, aiming to unify the nation through a legal framework that balances democratic values with the country’s Jewish identity. Article Written by The Movement for Quality Government Instagram -   @mqg.israel Facebook- The Movement for Quality Government in Israel Website -   https://mqg.org.il/en/   * https://www.gov.il/en/pages/declaration-of-establishment-state-of-israel ** https://www.knesset.gov.il/constitution/ConstIntro_eng.htm

Ha-Trempistim (הטרמפיסטים) is an Israeli TV show in which the host, posing as a driver, picks up passengers on the road and takes them to their destination. During the journey, the host engages in meaningful conversations with the passengers. The passengers, who represent a diverse cross-section of Israeli society (religious, secular, Arab, men, women, couples, olims, and more) open up about their personal stories, sharing their unique perspectives on a wide range of topics. The show spans eight seasons, with each episode lasting no more than 15 minutes. So, what makes Ha-Trempistim worth watching? This series offers a fascinating and insightful glimpse into the mosaic of Israeli society, highlighting the variety of opinions and life experiences that shape Israel. The content (in Hebrew), available through the YouTube links below, offers a great way to discover Hebrew-language material and broaden your understanding of what’s happening in Israel from an Israeli perspective. You'll find an extract below. Season 1 Season 2 Season 3 Season 4 Season 5 Season 6 Season 7 Season 8 (2024)

The “Bourekas Films” or in Hebrew, סרטי בורקס , is an Israeli film genre that rose and gained popularity between the 1960s and 1970s. It is said that director Boaz Davidson first came up with the term, inspired by the popular Italian “Spaghetti Western”. The genre’s name alludes to the movies being about Israeli culture and identity, due to bourekas being an iconic dish in Sephardic Jewish cuisine and a staple to Israel’s today. These films are melodramatic comedies that highlight the everyday struggles and cultural tensions of Israeli society, particularly the divide between Mizrahi Jews, typically from Middle Eastern and North African origins, and the Ashkenazi elite. They pointed out ethnic and class differences, and at the time, hinted at the political and cultural changes that Israeli society would undergo in the coming decades. “Bourekas films” were often focused on Mizrahi characters, who were portrayed as resourceful, resilient, and lively, though they frequently faced class struggles and ethnic discrimination. Oriental accents, indecent jokes, and slurred speech characterized them. However, they were always exposed as clever and found ways to get by and beat the system. Meanwhile, on the opposite side of the Israeli society spectrum, Ashkenazi characters were presented as wealthy, cold, and obnoxious… but most importantly, as boring.  This created a stark contrast that underscored societal divides. Despite the exaggerated stereotypes, these films created a sense of camaraderie among viewers, as the plotlines frequently led to happy endings, symbolized by interracial weddings, bringing together opposing sides in a hopeful union. While the public adored these movies, critics were less generous. Many in the cultural elite thought “Bourekas films” seemed shallow, reinforcing divisive stereotypes and undermining the complex issues they tried to address. They were often dismissed as low-quality entertainment, failing to live up to the artistic standards of European cinema. Yet, their immense popularity reflected the appetite of Israeli society for light-hearted escapism and a willingness to laugh at its disgraces, in addition to celebrating their Eastern culture and traditions. Classic examples every Israeli knows, include: Givat Halfon Eina Ona (1976) directed by Assi Dayan ( Youtube Extract ) Kazablan (1973), Menahem Golan - link to dedicated article. Hagiga BaSnuker (1975), Boaz Davidson ( Youtube extract ) Sallah Shabbati, a film that earned Israel its first Academy Award nomination, starring the internationally recognized Chaim Topol. (1964), Efraim Kishon ( Youtube extract ) Alex Hole Ahava (1986), Boaz Davidson ( Youtube extract ) Charlie ve’hetzi (1974), Boaz Davidson (extract below) Many of these films experienced a revival in popularity during the 1990s and persist today as cult classics, a nostalgic reminder of a formative time in Israeli filmography. Their legacy teaches Israeli audiences to laugh at themselves and to embrace, however imperfect, its diverse culture. Article Written with the help of Naomi Marchese, video editor and cinema specialist.

1964 - 2016. Ronit Elkabetz was an acclaimed Israeli actor, director, and screenwriter. A multi-award-winning artist, she is celebrated as one of the most significant talents in the history of Israeli cinema. She is the only actress to have won the Ophir Award 3 times for Best Leading Actress. Born to Moroccan immigrant parents, Elkabetz became a voice and symbol of Mizrahi femininity, often portraying oppressed characters that exposed the strength of the Mizrahi woman. However, her impact extended far beyond awards: she was a cultural phenomenon, celebrated not only by audiences but also by Israeli leaders, including President Shimon Peres, who called her “ an extraordinary cultural ambassador ” and praised her for representing Israel with “ great pride, creativity, and beauty. ”* Elkabetz’s filmography includes known films like Or (2004), The Band’s Visit (2007) - extract below-, and  Sh’chur (1994), for which she received the Ofir Award for Best Supporting Actress. Yet, her most remarkable work might be the trilogy she created with her brother, Shlomi Elkabetz. This series, which includes To Take a Wife (2004), The Seven Days (2009), and Gett: The Trial of Vivian Amsalem (2014), addresses the struggles of Mizrahi women in Jewish society and received international acclaim and a Golden Globe nomination for Best Foreign Language Film. Elkabetz passed away in 2016 at the age of 51 after battling lung cancer, leaving behind a legacy deeply woven into the fabric of contemporary Israeli cinema. Below is a short extract showcasing some of her scenes. Article Written with the help of Naomi Marchese, video editor and cinema specialist. * https://www.theguardian.com/film/2016/apr/19/israeli-actor-director-ronit-elkabetz-dies-aged-51

In 2003, the White City of Tel Aviv was declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site, by virtue of its very large number of modernist Bauhaus buildings that were constructed in the 1930s and 1940s. Today, half of these—around 2,000 buildings—are protected heritage sites. Tel Aviv’s White City: where Bauhaus meets Modernism The architecture of the White City is founded on the tenets of modernism in the first half of the twentieth century. Although the Bauhaus stood squarely within this tradition, it did not “invent” it, nor was it its sole champion. Noted architects such as Le Corbusier, Erich Mendelsohn, and many others were also modernist architects without being part of the Bauhaus, and their influence is notable in Tel Aviv . The modernist as well as the Bauhaus architects of the White City were constantly seeking functional solutions for the challenges posed by the local climate, as well as for social questions and mundane requirements.  This gave rise to highly imaginative functional architectural elements: projecting concrete ledges that wrapped around the buildings to shade the windows below; perforated balcony balustrades to aid natural ventilation; and reconfiguration of strip windows to provide a better balance between light and airflow .  Yet, despite its diverse architectural heritage, Tel Aviv’s White City is often referred to as the capital of the Bauhaus style. Dizengoff Circus: A symbol of Bauhaus in the heart of the city The city has recently  completed the restoration of the Dizengoff Circus, designed in 1934 by architect Genia Averbuch—likely the world’s only “Bauhaus Piazza” —to its original design. Regarded as the traditional center of the White City, it is striking for its simple design: a round space, surrounded by nearly identical buildings, featuring curvilinear horizontal slit balconies. The simple, elegant architectural language of this circle makes it a paradigm of local modernist architecture. Dizengoff Square, photographed between 1940 and 1946. Source: The Matson (G. Eric and Edith) Photograph collection at the Library of Congress. Public domain. Tel Aviv’s Bauhaus heritage: around every corner The direct influence of the Bauhaus on the architecture of what came to be known as the White City of Tel Aviv is evident, for example, in various workers’ housing estates. On Frishman Street, Arieh Sharon designed the residential complex known as Me’onot Ha’ovdim Hod.  After the Nazis took power in 1933,  approximately 60,000 Jews left Germany for Mandatory Palestine. Since many, if not most, of these immigrants came from urban backgrounds in Germany, they naturally sought to settle in a city in their new homeland. To accommodate them, thousands of dwellings had to be built in Tel Aviv. Dozens of architects were involved in this huge enterprise, six of whom were former Bauhaus students: Shlomo Bernstein, Munio Gitai-Weinraub, Shmuel Mestechkin.  Some exemplary modernist buildings include: Recanati Building (1935): Located at 35 Derekh Begin, designed by Liaskovski & Orenstein. Braun-Rabinsky House (1932): Situated at 82 Rothschild Boulevard, designed by Josef and Ze'ev Berlin. Bruno House (1933): Found at 3 Strauss Street, designed by Ze'ev Haller. Habima Theatre (1935): Designed by Oskar Kaufmann. Today, Tel Aviv's White City stands as a living testament to the vision and ingenuity of early modernist architects, whose work continues to define the cityscape and inspire design worldwide. As a UNESCO World Heritage Site, it ensures that the Bauhaus legacy endures for future generations. Article Written by the Bauhaus Center Tel Aviv  Since 2000, the Bauhaus Center Tel Aviv, located near Dizengoff Circle, has been a hub for exhibitions, guided and self-guided tours, and an art shop celebrating Tel Aviv's White City. Learn more at  www.bauhaus-center.com .